|
by Robert
Tannenwald and Nicholas Turner
No. 2, September 2004 - December 2004
Motivation for the Research
In state fiscal year 1999 (FY1999), the nation’s state and local governments
collectively enjoyed a surplus equal to 2.5 percent of their spending. However,
while fiscally healthy in the aggregate, states varied considerably in their
fiscal condition. More importantly, the size of the nationwide state and local
fiscal surplus provides no insight into differences across states in their
inherent capacity to raise revenue, regardless of short-term economic fluctuations,
nor does it illuminate their exposure to long-run spending pressures that are
difficult to control.
This paper compares states in terms of these two fiscal
characteristics using data for FY1999. It is the fourth in
a series of reports by Tannenwald, the last of which used
data for FY1997. This series, in turn, succeeds a series
of similar reports undertaken by the U.S. Advisory Commission
on Intergovernmental Relations over a 30-year span from FY1962
to FY1991.
Research Approach
Like the previous series and the previous reports in this series, this report
employs the representative tax system (RTS) and the representative expenditure
system (RES) to measure interstate differences.
RTS assesses the relative ability of a state to raise revenue
from a particular tax by levying a “standard” tax rate on
a “standard” tax base. The RES approach estimates the amount
that state and local governments must spend to provide a
standard level of service for each representative bundle
of state and local spending.
For each state, the authors construct a measure of fiscal
need and a measure of tax capacity. They then construct a
measure of fiscal comfort for each state by dividing the
state’s tax capacity index by its index of fiscal need. They
also compute tax effort, to measure the degree to which a
state utilizes its taxing capability.
Key Findings
- In FY1999 as in FY1997, the New England, Mid-Atlantic,
Pacific, and Mountain regions had above-average fiscal
capacity, while the South Atlantic, East North Central,
West North Central, East South Central, and West South
Central regions had below-average capacity. Regions (and
states) with high fiscal capacity tended to have high average
incomes.
- As in past years, the dispersion in fiscal need was considerably
narrower than the dispersion in fiscal capacity.With the
exception of Connecticut, the New England states displayed
their characteristically low fiscal need, all ranking in
the bottom quartile. Connecticut’s high RES score relative
to the other New England states is attributable primarily
to its high unit labor costs.
- States with high fiscal need in all regions tend to have
high poverty rates, high concentrations of population in
the age bracket of 5- to 17-year-olds, high crime rates,
or some combination of the three. They tend to be concentrated
in the South and Southwest.
- Between FY1997 and FY1999, the dispersion across states
in fiscal need narrowed, as did the dispersion in fiscal
capacity. Two demographic factors are primarily responsible
for changes in a state’s fiscal need during this interval:
(1) a change in the state’s relative poverty rate, and
(2) change in the relative importance of school-age children
in the state’s population mix.
- As the figure shows, only six states have both higher-than-average
fiscal need and capacity, and only 13 states have both
low need and high capacity. The remaining states lie in
the lower quadrants or on the border, indicating low capacity.
Fourteen of these states have both high relative need and
low relative capacity. Nationally, the correlation between
fiscal need and fiscal capacity, while negative, is statistically
insignificant.
- The fiscal comfort of the Census regions converged between
the two years. Disparity among the states in fiscal comfort
also diminished. As in FY1997, New England was the most
fiscally comfortable region in the nation, despite a three-percentage-point
decline in its fiscal comfort index.
- In FY1999, regions with above-average tax effort included
the Mid-Atlantic region, New England, and the East North
Central region. The remaining regions all exhibited lower-than-average
tax effort. There is no statistically significant relationship
between fiscal comfort and tax effort, and only five states
exhibit high tax effort and low fiscal comfort.
Implications
The relationship between fiscal capacity and fiscal need has repercussions
for the “devolution” debate. In the context of intergovernmental relations,
devolution means the “devolving” of fiscal responsibilities from higher to
lower levels of government, especially from the federal to the state or provincial
level. Opponents of devolution in the United States are concerned that states
with high fiscal need and low fiscal capacity would be unable to provide
their residents with an acceptable level of state and local public services.
Opponents would be less concerned if states with the highest fiscal need
also had the highest fiscal capacity.
The evidence from this paper is mixed on this issue. The
correlation between fiscal need and fiscal capacity is statistically
insignificant. But there are more than a few states with
both high need and low capacity, and this is a concern.
The absence of a negative correlation between state tax
effort and fiscal comfort suggests that states with low levels
of public expenditures tend to spend less because they want
to, not because they are constrained by a lack of revenue.
Nevertheless, the persistence of fiscal disparity suggests
that it might be appropriate for Congress to consider increasing
the degree of fiscally equalizing intergovernmental aid.

Full text of Public
Policy Discussion Paper 04-9 
|