| Spring
1997
By Peter Fortune
Peter Bernstein's latest book, Against the Gods: The Remarkable
Story of Risk, establishes his standing as America's preeminent
scholar-practitioner in the field of finance. Together with
his highly successful predecessor, Capital Ideas: The Improbable
Origins of Modern Wall Street (The Free Press, New York,
1992), Bernstein has laid out a remarkably insightful and entertaining
history of the "science" of finance, including fascinating
descriptions of the people who drove the development of modern
financial economics.
Bernstein's earlier work, Ideas, emphasized the advances
emerging from the notion that investors are rational and security
markets are efficient: It focused on modern portfolio theory
and its implications for security prices, and on the development
of new instruments, like equity options. Gods serves
as a prequel. It searches out the roots of modern finance
and provides an interpretation of the history of that "science."
Throughout, Bernstein's subtext is an investigation of the
meaning of rationality and of the limits of rationality in
explaining our choices.
Gods begins with a sweeping proposition: Modern thinking
began when man abandoned the belief that events are due to
the whim of the gods and embraced the notion that we are active,
independent agents who can manage risks. Thus in the worldview
of ancient Greece, a man's destiny swayed with the whim of
the gods, logic prevailed over experimentation, and the use
of letters for numbers inhibited man's ability to calculate.
But by the thirteenth century, new mental tools were in place:
the Hindu-Arabic numbering system, algebra, accounting, and
other necessary equipment for the first insights into the
laws of chance.
Those insights came in the seventeenth century, in the analysis
by Blaise Pascal, a dissolute who became a religious zealot,
and Pierre de Fermat, a lawyer whose genius was in mathematics,
of a gambling problem first proposed in the fifteenth century.
The Pascal-Fermat contribution to probability theory, which
helps us to analyze risk, was mixed in the next century with
insights into the role risk plays in our choices arising from
the work of Daniel Bernoulli, a Swiss mathematician whose
father and uncles were confirmed eighteenth-century geniuses.
The foundation for modern decision theory was laid. From that
foundation, Bernstein sets off on a whirlwind tour of the
development of modern decision theory.
In the last quarter of Gods, Bernstein focuses on
the assumption that human choices are "rational,"
meaning that they are derived logically from a few axioms.
In modern economics, one model of rational decision making
is the expected utility hypothesis: Decisions are made with
the goal of maximizing one's expected satisfaction (back to
Bernoulli again). Bernstein acquaints us with the many new
ways of interpreting and measuring risk, and with the emerging
field of behavioral finance, which recognizes and attempts
to explain anomalies in finance, examples in which rational
explanations fail. In this part of Gods Bernstein tips
his hand, telling us that although the assumption of rational
behavior is a useful starting point, it describes the real
world only up to a point.
The most interesting part of this discussion is Bernstein's
presentation of the path-breaking work of Daniel Kahneman
and the late Amos Tversky; they were experimental psychologists
whose work, called "prospect theory," is often used
by students of behavioral finance to explain a variety of
financial anomalies.
Among the human tendencies documented by Kahneman and Tversky
are extrapolation from small and unreliable samples (I had
a car accident at that intersection, therefore that intersection
is more dangerous than others), giving greater weight to catastrophic
outcomes than their low probabilities warrant (the Three Mile
Island effect), loss aversion, and mental accounting. Loss
aversion refers to our tendency, when faced with a choice
between a sure loss and an uncertain gamble, to gamble unless
the odds are strongly against us; embezzlers will recognize
this, as will many investors who avoid selling at a loss in
the hope that continuing the gamble will extricate them. Mental
accounting refers to the tendency to sort decisions into compartments
rather than to consider the overall position. Examples of
mental accounting are Christmas saving clubs and other ways
of
segregating assets by intent; as Bernstein argues, this includes
the practice of buying dividend-paying stocks so that one
can avoid "dipping into capital" -- selling stock
-- to pay for life's necessities.
By the end of the book, Bernstein has shown us how interpretations
of rational behavior in the presence of risk have changed
as the tools to understand decision making have changed. He
almost gets us to move into the castle-in-the-air, the notion
that we are, in fact, rational. But his good sense and long
experience with security markets, supported by the work of
behavioral economics, keeps him from entering the front door.
Bernstein believes that "we are rational as far as it
goes." To know what he means, read the book. That would
be rational!
Peter Fortune rationally economizes for the Boston Fed.
Peter Bernstein
Against The Gods: the Remarkable Story of Risk
New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1996. $27.95.
THE PASCAL-FERMAT ANSWER TO THE PROBLEM
OF POINTS: AN EXAMPLE Mr. H and Mr. T each pay $50 to
play a game of points: a fair coin will be flipped 15 times,
and the $100 stake will go to Mr. H if more heads than tails
result, to Mr. T otherwise. However, the game stops prematurely,
after 6 flips have resulted in four heads. How should the
$100 be split?
Pascal and Fermat argue that the $100 should be split according
to the probability that each player would have won if the
game had continued through the agreed-upon 15 flips. Because
the game involves Bernoulli trials (each flip has the same
probability of heads, and the results on one flip are independent
of the results on previous flips), the binomial distribution
(based on Pascal's Triangle) gives the answer. The probability
that Mr. H would have won 4 or more of the remaining 9 flips,
bringing the number of heads to at least 8 and earning him
the full $100, is 0.7461. Mr. H should get $74.61, leaving
$25.39 to Mr. T.
DANIEL BERNOULLI AND THE ST. PETERSBURG
PARADOX The wisdom of the early eighteenth century
was that a gambler would play any game for which the expected
net gain (expected winnings less the cost of playing) was
positive. Stated differently, the gambler would calculate
the expected winnings and, if pressed, would pay as much as
that amount to play the game. But the St. Petersburg paradox,
named for the city in which Bernoulli presented his answer,
gives a game that real-world gamblers would not pay the actuarial
value to play:
A fair coin is flipped until a head comes up, at which point
the game stops and the gambler receives $2 raised to the power
of the number of that flip. The expected winning, which is
the maximum amount a gambler would offer to play the game,
is the sum of all the possible payoffs, each multiplied by
the probability of its occurrence. The expected winning in
the St. Petersburg game is the infinite series:
(2)(1/2)+(22)(1/2)2 +(23)(1/2)3
+ ....
The expected winning is thus the sum of 1, added an infinite
number of times. The expected winning, in other words, is
infinite. But no gambler would wager all his or her wealth
to play.
Bernoulli's answer to the paradox was simple but profound
in its effects. He argued that gamblers do not maximize the
expected amount of their net winnings. Rather, they maximize
their "moral utility," the expected satisfaction
which the game provides. Furthermore, he argued, moral utility
is subject to diminishing returns: Each additional dollar
of winnings adds a smaller amount to satisfaction. The result
is that the game has a finite expected utility, even though
the expected winnings are infinite.
Bernoulli's solution introduced risk -- and aversion to risk
-- into the language of decision making; it was the first
statement of a fundamental axiom of economic theory, that
diminishing returns prevail; and it is the foundation of the
most widely applied theory of "rational" decision
making--that economic agents maximize their expected utility,
not their expected wealth.
SOME MILESTONES IN THE STORY OF RISK
1654 The first use of probability analysis by Blaise Pascal,
a brilliant mathematician, and Pierre de Fermat, lawyer and
mathematics hobbyist, who jointly solved the problem of points.
1733 The development of the normal probability distribution
by Abraham de Moivre, a French Protestant transplanted to
England who never held a proper academic position.
1738 The analysis of risk as a factor shaping decisions emerged
from the solution to the St. Petersburg paradox presented
by Daniel Bernoulli, whose family of geniuses supports the
thesis of Francis Galton's Hereditary Genius, that genius
runs in the genes.
1764 Posthumous publication of the Rev. Thomas Bayes's analysis
of the mixing of old and new information in the formation
of probability estimates.
1877 Development of the concept of regression
toward the mean, applied to human characteristics by Francis
Galton, the snobbish cousin to Charles Darwin, who created
the unfortunate pseudo-science of "eugenics."
1900Louis Bachelier's doctoral dissertation, "The Theory
of Speculation," laid the foundation for modern finance
and provided the underpinnings for modern option pricing models,
although it was poorly received by his professors at the Sorbonne.
1952 The introduction of modern portfolio theory in a 14
page paper titled "Portfolio Selection," by Harry
Markowitz, a graduate student in economics.
1953 Publication of The Theory of Games by John von Neumann,
mathematician and early computer scientist, and economist
Oskar Morgenstern. This book, written in the 1940s, analyzed
human interactions as a source of risk.
1964 William Sharpe's extension of Markowitz's insights into
an understanding of the role of risk as a factor in determining
in security prices, in a paper titled "Capital Asset
Prices."
1973 The development of modern option pricing theory by Fischer
Black, an academic nomad, and economist Myron Scholes, published
in a paper that was first rejected by many academic journals.
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