| Quarter
2, 1998
by John Campbell
Finding a hotel room in Boston during June college reunions
or on Cape Cod during summer vacation has long been a fool's
game. Sorry, we're booked. Over the past five years,
that frustration has spread to other times of the year and
other corners of New England. Pilgrims on a missionbusiness
clients and colleagues, conventioneers, academic researchers,
parents of college students, tourists from abroadare
traveling to the region in record numbers. Indeed, tourism
and business travel have expanded, and a boom is under way
in the construction of hotels, resorts, entertainment parks,
and tourist attractions worldwide.
A growing demand for lodging has at last stimulated construction
of new hotels and renovation of old ones throughout New England,
and developers are lined up to build in areas of very strong
demand, such as Boston and Providence. But many travelers
still find there's no room at the inn. So city and town governments
encourage development, sometimes with tax or lease subsidies,
because hotels generate spending from outside the area, can
be easily taxed, and provide lower-skill jobs. The whiff of
glamour around major hotels, which inherit a tradition of
dispensing hospitality, good cheer, and exotic visitors, adds
to the allure. And in cities planning a new convention center,
a larger stock of hotel rooms is an essential adjunct to the
"big box."
But hotels are far from a sure bet, either for their owners
or the areas in which they're built. Hotels are one of the
riskiest forms of real estate, being labor-intensive, in need
of regular investment to maintain their value, and dependent
on a one-day lease. Development of new hotels, moreover, has
historically come in waves that produce alternating gluts
and shortages of rooms. History suggests that planning a steady
new supply to accommodate shifts in demand is difficult.
LONG LAGS
All commercial real estate has an element of instability.
Booms create new skylines and office parks, while busts show
how transient market values can be. But the instability of
hotels seems especially pronounced.
An accounting of the cyclical behavior of the U.S. lodging
industry comes from William C. Wheaton and Laurence Rosoff
of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Looking over
the past three decades, they find that demand for hotel stays
moves closely with GDP. Economic expansions spur both business
and leisure travel, while recessions cause firms to tighten
travel budgets, and individuals to curtail vacations.
By contrast, room prices and new construction move in patterns
that bear little connection to short-term demand. In other
property markets, rents respond sharply to changes in occupancy,
and construction follows not long after. Hoteliers adjust
room prices more slowly for several reasons. Customers tend
to return to hotels they like because it's so costly to search
for alternatives, but they may reconsider if prices have risen
since the last visit. Customers who need to plan ahead, such
as corporate groups, dislike volatile prices. And rapid price
adjustments may hurt a hotel's reputation for quality.
Wheaton also notes that hoteliers are reluctant to quickly
adjust prices because pricing is so complicated. A given room
may have five or more rates, depending on the type of customer
and when the room is booked. And, vacancy rates can swing
from month to month, making it hard to discern a permanent
shift in demand.
New hotel development, in turn, is spurred by rising prices
fueled by rising occupancy rates. So, it's not surprising
there are lags between changes in demand and development of
new space. An additional factor, Wheaton observes, is the
Byzantine structure of hotel deals. Constructing a large hotel
typically involves at least four partiesdeveloper, franchisor,
operator, and lender. Requiring so many parties to agree on
the site, financing terms, and operating and profit-sharing
arrangements lengthens the process and further delays the
stream of new supply.
EVEN LONGER IN NEW ENGLAND
The lag between demand and supply appears to have been especially
severe in New England over the past decade. With more than
5 percent of the nation's work force in 1997, the region contained
just 4 percent of existing rooms and 3 percent of rooms under
development, according to Coopers & Lybrand's hospitality
consulting unit. Yet, parts of the region, notably Greater
Boston, have ranked among the strongest travel markets nationally,
with occupancy rates rising for the past six years, and prices
for five.
Hoteliers, developers, and others familiar with regional
conditions cite several reasons that hotels take longer to
come on line in New England. The real estate bust of the late
1980s caused construction financing to dry up until recently.
Development costs are higher here. Winter weather can slow
construction. And permitting can be lengthy and restrictive,
especially compared with Sunbelt cities. University Park Hotel,
in Cambridge, Massachusetts, has been under development for
more than a decade. Built for business travelers and groups
affiliated with MIT, developers had to address legal, financing,
and community issues and will finally open this fall. (See
sidebar.)
Construction of hotels started to bloom in significant volume
throughout the region by early 1997. North-country ski resort
owners have built hotels with conference centers to try to
attract business retreats during the off-season. Entrepreneurs
have opened upscale bed-and-breakfasts aimed at urban professionals
on vacation. And new motels have been sprouting along the
major highways.
Tourism has been a major spur and, in most rural areas, it
still accounts for more than 80 percent of hotel stays. But
even outside major cities, much of the new supply has been
prompted by business travel, which has been growing at a faster
pace. "The big driver . . . is commercial demand. The
revenues are so much higher than tourism, and it's less seasonal,"
says Rachel Roginsky, an industry consultant at Pinnacle Advisory
Group in Boston.
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, for example, once had just a handful
of motels at "the Circle" on Route 95. In the past
two years, five major hotels have opened in the city. Growth
in tourist traffic to Maine and the White Mountains is partly
the reason. But the greater spur has been the redevelopment
of Pease Air Force Base to commercial activities, and the
expansion of computer, insurance, and other firms in southern
New Hampshire.
More powerful marketing and communications tools have allowed
hotels to slice their markets into finer and finer cuts. The
Microtel chain plans to build six hotels in Massachusetts
this year that offer small, no-frills, inexpensive rooms designed
for the business traveler staying one or two nights. Targeting
a different set of business customers, extended-stay lodgings
are popping up throughout the region. These offer larger suites
with kitchens and various amenities that cater to relocated
workers, consultants, and independent contractors away from
home for weeks or months at a time.
BOOKED IN BOSTON
Of all cities in New England, Boston epitomizes the dynamic
instability of the hotel industry. The city has a long tradition
of grand hotels, starting with the Tremont House, which when
opened in 1829 was the first modern, first-class hotelat
170 rooms the world's largest and boasting innovations such
as water closets and gas lighting. (It was demolished in 1895.)
Boston's hotel stock ebbed and flowed with the local economy.
Prosperity in the 1920s brought a boom in office buildings
and hotels; the city had more hotel rooms than at any other
time save the 1990s. Then followed a long depression, and
the stock of hotel rooms declined sharply; many hotels in
the Fenway/Kenmore Square area, for example, were converted
to college dormitories. By the 1970s, demographic and industrial
shifts unleashed a wave of demand for new office buildings.
Law firms, venture capitalists, mutual funds, and other professional-intensive
firms expanding downtown wanted modern hotels nearby to put
up clients and colleagues. Even in manufacturing, Greater
Boston's high-tech industries employed more professionals
such as engineers and marketing personnel, generating a tremendous
demand for suburban office space. Hotel developers followed
the rush of high-tech development along Route 128.
The real estate bust of the late 1980s deflated hotel demand.
Suburban room occupancy rates dropped below an annual average
of 60 percent, estimates Rachel Roginsky. (An industry rule
of thumb holds that developers won't consider construction
until annual occupancy exceeds 70 percent.) Many hotels that
relied on the minicomputer and defense industries for business
tumbled into foreclosure.
Today,
as the economy has improved, demand is stronger than ever.
The average occupancy rate in Boston and Cambridge is running
about 80 percent, with the suburbs at 75 percentfar
above the U.S. average of 68 percent. Room prices continue
to rise as well. Unlike rural New England, the customer mix
in Boston and Cambridge is heavily weighted toward the business
traveler, including conventions and university research. Thus
the 12,600 rooms in Boston (and those in Cambridge) often
sell out on weekdays between April and November. Demand then
spills out as far as Route 495, which rings the outer suburbs.
Travelers can easily find a room in January, when the hassles
of bad weather cause the occupancy rate to dip. But, considering
demand throughout the year, the city's capacity is topped
out. One downtown hotel reported that it turned away 20,000
potential guests last year.
In response, developers are building top-tier hotels downtown
and renovating existing ones, usually to upgrade business-related
facilities. Meanwhile, nearby towns with public-transit access
to downtown are seeing new mid-priced hotels.
No one knows when the new supply will be adequate. The Boston
Redevelopment Authority, based on the goal of reaching a 74
percent occupancy rate for Boston, estimated late last year
that the city needed more than 2,000 rooms (equivalent to
eight to ten hotels) to accommodate existing demand; another
3,100 rooms over the next decade to meet projected growth
in demand from business and tourism; and an additional 3,800
rooms for the proposed new convention center once it is operating
at full capacity in 2009. The goal of almost 9,000 rooms over
a decade makes many assumptions about national and local economic
conditions, tourist patterns, and the viability of the new
convention center. One-third of those rooms are now under
development and scheduled to come on line by 2000. The boom
of the 1980s expanded hotel inventory on a similar scale,
so it may be reasonable to expect that this first burst of
new supply will be absorbed.
Such projections remain highly uncertain, as do forecasts
for other parts of New England. Demand could accelerate sharply,
aggravating the shortage. Or the region could fall into recession,
or the planned convention centers in several cities might
not draw the expected business, and demand could wane just
as a large volume of hotel rooms comes on line. Then the region
could see a prolonged glut of hotels, leading to layoffs and
writeoffs. But at least the perennial pilgrims would be able
to find a room.
CHAINS AND NETWORKS
Branding is firmly entrenched in the U.S. travel business,
with 75 percent of properties now under chain management or
franchise. The rise of chain ownership began in the hotel
heyday of the 1920s, bringing many strategic advantages that
also benefited consumers. Scale economies in purchasing, the
comfort that comes from repeated interactions with the same
product, the development of professional managers, and accounting
systems all helped stabilize hotel companies and improve the
quality of services. The Holiday Inn chain, for instance,
pioneered market research to determine how guests' needs differ
depending on the purpose of their visit.
In New England, however, the independents still hold a relatively
high market share, which consultant Rachel Roginsky attributes
to the enduring tradition of the country inn. Independent
hotels can offer a unique style and personal service that's
difficult to replicate. Some trade on impeccable locations,
such as the Copley Square and Lenox hotels in Boston's Back
Bay. But Jeffrey Saunders, president of the two hotels, says
location is not sufficient: "You cannot survive today
without some affiliation to an airline." Thus, the Copley
Square ties into a reservation system widely used by travel
agents in Europe.
The smallest of independents can compete effectively by
affiliating with a network. In Vermont, the Stowe Area Association
has marketed local hotels, inns, and bed-and-breakfasts for
60 years through printed brochures and telephone sales. Growing
use of the Internet for travel planning has extended the network's
reach, says Executive Director Tom Kaiden. "Our web site
is very efficient by consolidating all our members in a single
place. Customers have more detailed information when they
call us, and that makes them more comfortable."
EVOLUTION OF A HOTEL
1970 MIT buys a parcel of land, west of the campus.
Over the next 25 years, it continues to buy additional parcels
in the neighborhood, including some that contain residential
housing.
1983-86 MIT
signs an agreement with Forest City Developers to develop 27
acres of the land. Forest City hires consultants to devise a
Master Plan for the site. The eventual blueprint includes office
and lab space, an executive conference center, and a hotel,
which is to be built on land on which stands several of the
residences. Work on the first phase of the Master Plan begins.
1987 A Blue
Ribbon Commission, appointed by the City of Cambridge, releases
its own development plan, calling for 300 units of mixed-income
housing. Local residents stage a protest out of concern for
the project's neighborhood impacts: They build and occupy a
"Tent City" on the site, seeking to renovate and convert
three of the MIT-owned houses to homeless shelters.
1988 The Cambridge
City Council passes the necessary zoning ordinance and approves
the Master Plan, but only after Forest City agrees to build
150 units of mixed-income housing. The city's Rent Control Board
grants permission to raze the housing units. Courts later revoke
this permit and demand a fact-finding hearing because the Board
failed to consider all impacts on residents.
1989 MIT finally
gets permission to demolish or relocate the residences. And
Forest City begins to look for firms to manage and finance the
hotel. Talks get under way with a Japanese bank.
1991 In a classic
Catch-22 situation, Cambridge refuses to issue eviction certificates
until financing is secured. And Sheraton, slated to run the
hotel, is reluctant to commit any money without it.
1991 The Japanese
bank pulls out of the deal. With the U.S. economy in a tailspin,
hotel occupancy rates in New England plummet. Development of
the hotel is put on hold for three years.
1995 To jumpstart
the project and attract lenders, Forest City hires architects
to begin hotel design and agrees to a city request to add a
supermarket on the hotel's second floor.
1996 As the
economy revives, the pace of activity quickens. Doubletree
is chosen to run the hotel, now dubbed "University Park
Hotel at MIT." And financial backing is lined up. But
MIT decides to provide credit enhancements (and Doubletree
also invests), so other funding sources emerge. The winner:
BankBoston. Suffolk Construction is hired and building begins.
1998 University Park Hotel
is scheduled to open in August.
Jonathan Church
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