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Cathy E. Minehan, President and Chief Executive Officer,
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Wequassett Inn, Chatham, Massachusetts
June 25, 1998
Good
morning, and welcome once again to the Federal Reserve
Bank of Boston's 42nd annual economic conference. We
are pleased and honored that each of you chose to join
us here this week.
As many
of you here realize, over the last several years we
at the Bank have used this Conference to focus our own
research, the research of other experts, and the thoughts
of Conference participants on the critical issues related
to economic growth and prosperity in this country and
elsewhere. To that end, we have looked at technological
change, and at changes in savings and investment--particularly
as they might be encouraged by Social Security reform--as
critical elements in long-run growth. This year we take
up the short-run--that undefined but absolutely vital
period of time over which monetary policy can affect
economic fluctuations. As Keynes quipped, "In the long-run
we are all dead" --policy makers need to worry about
the short-run, and how the combination of short-runs
produce the optimal long-run that has been the focus
of our earlier conferences.
What
causes short-run economic fluctuations--or business
cycles as we've come to call them? This is an issue
of some importance right now. For the best part of 15
years or so, with only about 8 months out for one of
the shortest recessions on record, this country has
experienced solid economic growth, ever lower rates
of inflation, a reduced and now disappearing budget
deficit, and ever lower rates of unemployment. Economic
nirvana some would say; a problem waiting to happen
according to others.
Business
cycle theory suggests that unanticipated good things,
or bad things, known as "shocks," happen periodically
and create economic fluctuations around a long-run trend.
Monetary and fiscal policy then must act to smooth the
fluctuation, though I realize some in the economics
profession would debate this assertion. But what economic
behavior lies behind these "shocks?" More importantly,
can this behavior be identified so that policy makers
can anticipate an unsustainable boom, or the seeds of
a downturn, before it happens rather than after? My
desire for this Conference is to produce the beginnings
of an understanding of the sources of cyclical fluctuations
that is not only more satisfying intellectually than
a simple reference, after the fact, to a "shock," but
also more practical for policy makers.
Beyond
this, I also hope to become better equipped to address
the issue inherent in the quest to sustain the U.S.
economy's current success--is the business cycle somehow
dead or dying? This question is related fundamentally
to our understanding of what causes "shocks." If we
were confident that surges in technological progress
caused booms in income and employment, then this question
could be answered by investigating whether the pace
or character of technological progress had changed in
some way.
Similarly,
it is clear that government policy plays a role in economic
fluctuations, but how can policy reduce fluctuations
rather than contributing to them? My own view is that
the Federal Reserve's focus on first conquering inflation,
and then keeping its rate of increase low, has been
a critical element in stabilizing variations in the
U.S. economy, but the full credit cannot go to wise
monetary policy makers. We've had help. Certainly, temporary
factors have been at work restraining cost growth; but
have structural changes occurred as well? And will these
changes make future cycles more or less prevalent?
Over
the next two days, we will try to address these and
a number of related issues pertaining to the sources
of business cycle fluctuations. Our opening session
takes us on an historical tour of business cycles around
the world. Most of us are generally familiar with recent
U.S. recessions. But aside from the Great Depression,
few of us know much about the wide variety of recessions
dating back to the 19th century in the United States
and abroad. This session presents and interprets the
historical evidence on more than a century of recessions.
Peter Temin will discuss the U.S. experience; Michael
Bordo, Lars Jonung, and Michael Bergman will discuss
the international experience. By examining a large sample
of recessions from a diverse set of economies over a
long period of time, we will broaden and deepen our
understanding of business cycles and what causes them.
The
next four sessions focus on specific candidates for
causes of business cycles. In session two, Chris Sims
takes up the age-old, contentious, and still unresolved
issue of government policy and business cycles. Do monetary
and fiscal policies cause economic fluctuations? If
so, how and why? Few questions in economics generate
such ferocious debate, but few are more important to
answer --especially to institutions such as the Federal
Reserve.
Recently,
all eyes have been turned toward financial crises in
Asia. Were the financial market disruptions that caused
economic fluctuations in domestic and foreign nonfinancial
markets foreseeable, and if so, were they avoidable?
Session three features expert panelists --Rudy Dornbusch,
Maury Obstfeld, and Avinash Persaud--who will evaluate
the role of recent financial market disruptions in global
economic fluctuations and help us draw lessons from
this experience.
Tomorrow,
the first two sessions examine relatively new ideas
about sources of business cycle fluctuations. Susanto
Basu will begin by evaluating the idea that fluctuations
in productivity through technological changes cause
business cycles. A key factor preventing definitive
assessment of this hypothesis has been the vagueness
surrounding what are often cavalierly called "productivity
shocks." This session will more precisely identify the
specific, observable features of production and technology
that may cause fluctuations.
Next,
Scott Schuh and Robert Triest address the idea that
microeconomic restructuring and reallocation cause business
cycles. During the 1970s and 80s, the U.S. economy experienced
tremendous restructuring and reallocation. Recent research
suggests that sharp increases in job reallocation are
a regular feature of recessions. But still unresolved
is whether reallocation and restructuring are causes
or consequences of recessions. This session provides
new evidence about the process of job reallocation to
help us better evaluate this relationship.
No doubt
you sense how difficult and ambitious the task is for
our participants. Perhaps even more difficult is the
task for the distinguished panelists in our final session.
Our panelists, economic leaders in both the public and
private sectors, are charged with evaluating the hypotheses
advanced during the Conference and with drawing out
the implications for effective policy making.
A trademark
feature of our annual economic conference that we are
particularly proud of is the lively debate that ensues
during the general discussions after each presentation.
Agree or disagree, we encourage all Conference participants
to contribute to our understanding of this vital issue.
Working together we can take a step closer to knowing
what causes business cycles.
Another
trademark feature of our Conference is the wonderful
opportunity to enjoy the beauty and serenity of Cape
Cod. I hope you will all take advantage of the amenities
and exciting activities at this lovely resort and throughout
the surrounding area. Thank you for attending our Conference,
and have a great time.
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