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Cathy E. Minehan, President and Chief Executive Officer,
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
State House, Providence, Rhode Island
February 11, 2002
Thank you. It's great to be here in Providence and
be part of this important conference. It is early in
the year, a time to reflect both on the experiences
of 2001, and the prospects for 2002.
The past year evokes powerful social, economic and
personal memories. The tragedy of September 11 stands
out as an historic watershed in terms of its enormous
consequences for this country, for the lives of thousands
of families who lost loved ones, and for the heroic
public servants who continue to labor at ground zero.
Truly it was a time whenin the words of one of
my colleaguesordinary people did extraordinary
things.
Directly in the wake of that horrible day, U.S. financial
markets were tested in ways never conceived, and came
through, keeping market problems from adding to the
concerns facing this country. Reserve Banks played a
key role here, a role of which I am very proud. The
Federal Reserve monitored the financial system, supplied
sizeable amounts of liquidity and kept key parts of
the underlying operational plumbing that keeps that
liquidity flowing functional through long hours in the
days after the crisis. This kept the payments system
working, eased the markets’ reopening, and made a difficult
situation easier to deal with. Clearly, the Reserve
Banks and the rest of the financial sector were prepared
for contingenciesY2K, if nothing else, had seen
to thatbut a lot was learned about what else needs
to be done to better address contingency situations.
So we have our 911 projects to complete this year, and
I expect many of you do as well.
Beyond the tragedy, however, 2001 also witnessed the
beginning of the first recession in about a decade.
Obviously September 11 made things worse, but it is
also possible that a recession might have occurred in
any event given the slowdown that preceded that historic
day. Since then, many aspects of the economythe
consumer, the equity markets just to name twoseem
to have rebounded from the immediate shock of the tragedy.
But the pace of economic activity is still very slow
and uncertainties abound. Much of the incoming data
now suggest that things are bottoming out and a recovery
is in the works for 2002. The big question is what that
recovery will look like. Will it be the rapid pickup
experienced after most recessions? Or will it be something
that takes place more slowly? I want to reflect a bit
on the answers to those questions, assess both what’s
likely to happen and where the risks are. Then, I will
be focusing at some length on the effect of the current
slowdown on the fiscal condition of state governments,
both because of its interest to many of you and because
circumstances have changed here unusually fast.
Over the last several years economic forecasts have
often been wrong, sometimes markedly so. In the late
'90s, nearly all underestimated the economy’s potential
to grow and overestimated the degree to which inflation
might be a problem. Then, just as many were getting
the hang of predicting a high growth, low inflation
economy, growth started to stall. Last year saw errors
on the opposite side, at least as it regards growth,
with most forecasts of GDP revised downward with every
passing month.
In some ways this is no surprise. Economic forecasting
is based on the idea that the future will obey the rules
of the past. Thus, forecasting is particularly difficult
when economic fortunes change direction, or when the
rules of the present truly are different from the past.
Last year saw an important economic turning point, so
it's not surprising that after the longest period of
economic expansion in U.S. history, a downturn was hard
to predict.
But the last several years truly have been different
as well. The last half of the decade and the first years
of the new millennium were unlike any in thirty years
or so. During the late nineties, economic growth was
fed by rising levels of productivity. This was spurred
in part by large business investments in new technology,
accommodative financial markets, and rising consumer
and business confidence and demand that fed on itself
to create even faster growth. And, in spite of periods
of oil price increases, inflation never really surged.
Remember the last quarter of 1999, when the economy
grew at a 8.3% pace? Even with rising productivity,
mature economies with slowly growing labor forces cannot
maintain that pace for long without severely straining
resources. As Herb Stein saidif something can’t
continue, it doesn’t.
Businesses saw profits eaten away by rising wages paid
to ever harder to come by skilled workers, and by increases
in energy costs. They began to cut back by trimming
workforces and by cutting costs particularly in the
area in which they had spent so much in the last half
of the ninetiescapital goods, especially high-technology-computers,
software and anything to do with telecommunications.
As businesses stopped spending in the fall of 2000,
economic growth slowed suddenly as wellto remind
you, in the first half of that year the economy grew
by 4%; by fourth quarter it was growing at a pace less
than one-half of that. And that pattern of very slow
and eventually negative growth continued through 2001.
But even the slowdown has been different from the normal
recession. Usually a downturn in business fixed investment
follows rather than leads an economic slowdown or a
recession. The usual, though simplified, recession timeline
goes like this: fast-paced growth strains the economy’s
resources raising the potential for rapidly rising inflation.
The Fed steps in to return the economy to a more sustainable
level of growth and the interest sensitive sectors of
the economy begin to slow. Consumer spending on houses
and other big ticket items contracts and the rest of
the economy follows suit. But, in this recession exactly
the opposite has happened-consumer spending has maintained
some strength but capital spending has been slowing
or declining for over a year.
Most forecasts now see what is being termed a short,
shallow recession with a resumption of growth at a very
solid pace by the last half of 2002. Indeed, GDP growth
for the fourth quarter of 2001 now appears to have been
slightly positive, though I would caution that the first
readings on GDP are often revised, and recently most
revisions have been in a negative direction. Nonetheless,
there are good reasons to expect the recovery is, if
not upon us, certainly near.
After a year of vigorous inventory reductions in the
face of weak sales, businesses are likely to ease the
pace of inventory trimming, especially if demand strengthens.
This could add strength to industrial production. Recent
growth in productivity suggests the squeeze on corporate
profits may begin to ease, providing the cash flow businesses
need to increase spending. Further, businesses may be
poised to resume spending on technology. Signs of this
can be seen in data on chip production, new orders for
durable goods and in surveys of purchasing managers.
If business investment just stops falling, GDP growth
would be nearly 1 percentage point higher, all other
things being equal. That alone might keep the economy
in positive growth territory.
But all forecasts should be taken with a large grain
of salt. The best guess may be a short, shallow downturn,
but there are risks, particularly as to how fast and
how sharp the recovery is. I want to talk about several
of these areas of risk, not to dissuade you from feeling
optimistic, but to temper that optimism somewhat.
First, the U.S. slowdown does not exist in a vacuum.
Most of the rest of the world has followed the U.S.
into recession, with forecasts of world growth below
2% for at least the first half of 2002. Growth outside
the U.S. had been driven by overheated U.S. demand in
the late nineties, with exports to this country, rather
than domestic demand, leading growth. With the U.S.
slowing, our imports have declined affecting the growth
of trading partners in the rest of the world. There
are spotty signs of recovery in some countries, but,
for the most part, it seems unlikely that foreign demand,
independent of a resurgence in U.S. growth, will act
to cushion U.S. economic activity anytime soon.
Second, while inventories were drawn down to very low
levels in 2001, much of the drawdown was in consumer
durable goods. A lot of this was the result of financing
and other incentives related to consumer purchases of
automobiles. Inventories of goods other than autos don't
seem particularly low relative to sales. This calls
into some question whether the inevitable inventory
turnaround beyond autos will be as robust as the headline
inventory reductions might suggest.
Third, and most important, one has to be skeptical
about whether U.S. business investment will grow at
a solid pace if anything should happen to the remarkable
resilience of the US consumer. Consumption is two thirds
of gross domestic product—it is very hard for the economy
to grow if consumers are not willing to spend. This
has never been more evident than in the past year when,
despite the recession and September 11, consumers bought
autos and new homes at near-record clips. Indeed, spending
picked up as the year ended with fourth quarter consumption
growing by over 5 percent.
But the real question is whether the consumer will
stay the course long enough to revive business investment.
And here one can reasonably have doubts. On the positive
side, eleven cuts in short-term interest rates by the
FOMC have created an environment in which it is easier
for consumers to borrow and spend, putting a floor under
the weak economy. Some of the effects of that ease are
still in the pipeline. Moreover, the pace of job losses
has begun to slow and the unemployment rate did fall
a bit in January, though this is largely the result
of a marked decline in the labor force. On the negative
side, outstanding amounts of consumer debt are at high
levels historically, interest payments as a share of
disposable personal income are high and personal bankruptcies
are as well. This can continue only so long before consumer
finances become a drag on spending and overall financial
health.
And we should remember that the spending spree of the
last couple of years really can’t continue-just take
automobiles as an example. Consumers have been buying
new cars at a record 16 million unit a year pace for
some time now. One wonders how many cars U.S. consumers
can own or how many driveways they have.
There are other possible clouds on the horizon as well.
Equity and credit markets started the year in a state
of growing optimism. Longer term interest rates remained
relatively elevated after a year of declining short
term rates likely reflecting, at least in part, optimism
about a surging economy later this year.
Similarly, as the year began, equity markets were elevated
as well, with price-earnings ratios for the S&P
500 at about double their long run average. And this
after a year in which corporate profits plunged 20 percent,
and corporate profit levels were down to those last
seen in 1995. Over the last couple of weeks, however,
credit spreads have widened, and equity markets have
fallen back, reflecting the fallout from the recent
revelations related to corporate accounting. To be sure,
the incoming data on corporate profits is somewhat better
than it had been and surprisingly strong productivity
growth also bodes well. But it is also clear that corporate
profit data will be viewed with increasing skepticism.
Right now, anyway, equity markets may not be feeding
into consumer confidence and demand in the way they
seemed to be even two or three weeks ago.
So what's the answer to the question I posed earlier?
Will the recovery follow post War trends and be swift
and sharpthat is averaging 6 or 7% in the first
few quarters? Or will it be longer and slower, growing
at half that pace? All the factors I've just mentioneda
weak foreign sector, doubts about an inventory rebound,
risks to the strength of consumer demand, financial
market uncertaintiessuggest to me that longer
and slower may be the best bet. A mild recession, and
perhaps a mild recovery, in some ways not a bad outcome.
But for certain segments of the economy, many of these
factors suggest longer lasting problems. One of those
segments is state government.
The recession and September 11 have dramatically reversed
state fiscal fortunes. State tax revenues grew by 6.5
percent in fiscal year 2001 and by 8 percent the previous
year. This tide of revenues was strong enough to support
tax cuts, accelerated spending, and substantial deepening
of reserves. All that good fiscal fortune is now a distant
memory. Budget makers are throwing their policies quickly
into reverse, mulling tax increases, spending cuts,
and withdrawals from rainy day funds. However, like
the captain of an ocean liner, they’re having difficulty
turning things around quickly.
Growth in state tax receipts began to slow about a
year ago. What began as a worrisome deceleration has
turned into a steep plunge that has precipitated serious
fiscal problems in almost every state. Through December
31, the midway point of the current fiscal year, nationwide
state tax receipts stood 7 percent below a year ago,
with revenues in all but 5 states below budgeted levels.
Receipts from personal and corporate income taxes, which
together account for almost half of state tax revenues,
have been shrinking the most rapidly, a reflection of
declining employment, the weakening stock market, falling
profits, and enacted tax reductions.
The situation in New England is as serious as it is
elsewhere. General revenues to date have fallen or are
flat this year in every state in the region except New
Hampshire. New Hampshire’s relatively strong performance
mostly reflects an increase in its business profits
tax rate enacted in response to by a court-ordered increase
in education spending. At mid-fiscal year, Rhode Island’s
and Connecticut’s general revenues were both off 4 percent.
Through January, Massachusetts’ year-to-date tax revenues
were almost 10 percent lower than the level at the end
of last January. Most forecasters foresee no improvement
in the state revenue picture for at least several months.
Since revenue shortfalls developed rapidly, they threw
2002 budgets way out of kilter. Moreover, these shortfalls
confront fiscal planners with the prospect of significantly
larger imbalances in fiscal year 2003, which begins
in less than 5 months. Governors and state legislators
across the nation have responded to the immediate problem
with every weapon in their budgetary arsenal. On the
spending side they have delayed construction, imposed
bans on travel and purchases of IT products, cut local
aid, and postponed contributions to public employee
retirement funds. Some have increased borrowing. Several,
including every New England state, have recently implemented
or have considered increases in cigarette taxes. (Maine
doubled theirs in 2000). A few are considering delays
in the implementation of previously enacted tax cuts.
Had the states not buried so many fiscal acorns, many
would be facing a budgetary crisis rivaling some of
the worst in post-war experience. As recently as last
June, total state reserves were almost 8 percent of
general fund spending. By contrast, in June of 1990,
at a comparable point in the business cycle, reserves
were less than half that share of spending. However,
over the course of the current fiscal year, reserves
are expected to shrink by over 20 percent and a comparable
decline is highly likely during fiscal year 2003. Within
New England, Governors Swift and Rowland, the two governors
who have released their proposed FY2003 budget, are
both counting on significant reserve fund withdrawals
to achieve fiscal balance without major tax increases.
However, tapping reserves by itself will not solve
the problem. Slowing growth in spending will be an important
component of most fiscal strategies this year and next.
From fiscal year 1998 through fiscal year 2001, the
states increased general fund spending along with the
growth in revenues or by an average of 7.2 percent per
year. This fiscal year, spending is projected to grow
by less than half that pace. But most reductions cannot
be implemented across the board. Some rapidly growing
programs are extremely difficult to reign in.
The most prominent example is Medicaid, a program accounting
for one-fifth of all state spending in fiscal year 2000.
During the late 1990s, when revenue growth was rapid
and the cost of medical care was under control, several
states extended the coverage of their Medicaid programs.
During the past couple of years, however, the program’s
costs have increased sharply. Several factors are responsible
besides expanded eligibility and outreach. Prices of
prescription drugs have risen and their use has broadened.
After years of low reimbursement rates, health care
providers are demanding higher payments. The number
of disabled Americans has increased. Cost savings from
managed care have proven disappointing. As a result,
state Medicaid expenses grew by 14 percent during fiscal
year 2001, more than twice as much as appropriated.
This fiscal year, states have appropriated an increase
in Medicaid spending of almost 9 percent. Absent reductions
in benefits, 9 percent might not be enough.
Local aid for elementary and secondary education, which
accounted for 23 percent of state spending in 2000,
will also be difficult to pare. The demand for educational
services remains strong. State and local governments
continue to respond to the challenges of educating the
baby boomlet generation by hiring more teachers and
by expanding classroom space. Similar pressures and
demands have stiffened resistance to cuts in public
higher education, which commands 11 percent of state
spending. State budgets for the current fiscal year
provide for a nationwide increase in spending on education
of less than 4 percent, much less than increases of
recent years. Still, several states have spared education
from the latest round of budget-cutting measures.
Categories of spending other than Medicaid and education
account less than half of state general fund outlays.
Much of this remainder is also difficult to cut. Health
care for public employees, public health and safety
spending, particularly in light of September 11, corrections,
public transportation, and contributions to public employee
pension funds all enjoy strong support and are very
difficult to cut. Whichever way they turn, fiscal policymakers
are going to have to wag a big dog by a small tail.
When are state governments likely to obtain some fiscal
relief? Given the forecast I spoke of earlier, budgetary
pressures aren’t likely to ease materially until the
early part of calendar year 2003. Although most economic
forecasters believe that the economy will be growing
at a respectable pace before then, growth in income
tax revenues will probably lag since employers are generally
reluctant to hire back workers until they’re confident
that the recovery has legs. Sales tax revenues might
be sluggish for several more quarters, since consumption
of durables is not likely to surge as much as it usually
does during the early stages of a recovery. Consumers
have been buying too much all along, and are too deeply
into debt, to spearhead a burst of growth. Nor will
spending pressures abate very much; demands for health
care, school funding, and homeland security will continue
to stiffen resistance to deep spending cuts in these
areas. Many previously enacted tax cuts will probably
be implemented, further tightening the fiscal noose
around the states.
Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee summed up the fiscal
bind of the States colorfully in mid-November. The Governor
warned that, unless things improved very quickly for
state governments, we’re going to be…between a
dog and a fire hydrant.
In sum, it may well be that the recession of 2001 will
be seen in the fullness of time as one of the shallowest
on record. But how quickly the economy returns to healthy
rates of growth remains a question. The rebound might
be rapid, driven by inventory restocking and solid productivity
growth. Or, more likely, in my view, it might be slower,
in the face of waning consumer willingness to spend
on autos and other durables, a weak foreign sector,
and financial market uncertainties. Moreover, state
spending, a source of strength through 2001, seems poised
to subtract from growth as well.
The American economy has had to absorb some extraordinary
shocks over the past year or more. It has done so in
remarkable fashion, even in the wake of the tragedy
of September 11. There is much that is good news in
incoming economic dataglimmers of hope for manufacturers,
strong productivity, a slowing in the pace of job losses,
and growing consumer confidence. There is reason to
be optimistic, but it is also wise to temper this optimism
with caution.
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