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Cathy E. Minehan, President and Chief Executive Officer,
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
March 31, 2003
The recent recession has been very hard on the technology
sector, both in Massachusetts and the nation. And while
the worst may be behind us, signs of improvement are
scant. However, the historic resilience of the Massachusetts
economy plus excellent productivity performance in this
period of slack offers reassurance for the longer term.
Today, I want to focus on those three themes: 1) the
state of the national economy; 2) the problems here
in Massachusetts and 3) what insights I might have about
the future.
Since the end of 2001, the U.S. economy has been in
a mode of slow growth. Relatively vigorous consumption
growth and a strong housing market have sustained modest
growth in the overall economy despite weakness in business
investment. Throughout this period, the central question
has been whether business investment will pick up before
consumption flags. That question has become even more
pressing and more difficult to answer as geo-political
concerns weigh on both business and consumer confidence.
Massachusetts’ economic performance has been weaker
than that of the nation, reflecting its greater orientation
to technology industries and to financial services that
are linked to the fortunes of the stock market. These
same industries contributed importantly to the state’s
superior performance in the late 1990s.
Recap of Recession and "Recovery"
The past two years constitute a very unusual episode.
Both the recession, which began in March 2001, and the
ensuing recovery were unusually mild. Nationally, the
decline in employment was roughly half that in the average
post World War II recession. That the recession was
so mild is quite remarkable, given the blows the economy
has suffered – the plunge in the stock market, the terrorist
attack of 9/11 and continuing anxieties over the international
political situation. As a policymaker, I believe some
credit should be given to the Fed's 12 interest rate
cuts over the last two years as an element in this resilience,
but I know many other factors contributed as well.
The economy has been supported by consumers and home-buyers,
with some help from government spending. In the typical
recession, consumption falls. Spending on motor vehicles,
furniture and other large-ticket items usually plummets.
Residential investment also falls sharply. During the
time period from early 2001 on, however, consumption
and residential investment have continued to grow. Spending
on consumer durables has been quite strong and overall
consumption in 2002 averaged 3 percent above the level
in 2001. Residential investment was up almost 4 percent.
Very low interest rates have been critical in sustaining
this spending. The 2001 federal tax cut also provided
a timely stimulus. Just as an aside, it is often difficult
to use fiscal policy to stabilize the economy. The inevitable
– and necessary – political debate may result in the
policy moves being delayed, sometimes until after the
problem has passed. However, the 2001 tax cut was in
the works for other reasons, and gathered support as
the economy weakened.
While consumption and housing have held up better than
would be expected, we have not enjoyed the bounce back
that these sectors have provided in the typical recovery.
Not having fallen, they have not exhibited the strong
growth rates that are customary in the early stages
of recovery. Rather, they have continued to grow as
before.
Meanwhile, business investment while not exactly languishing,
hasn't been vibrant. The falloff in business investment
in the 2000-2001 period was severe. Business investment
usually falls in recessions, but largely in response
to the slowdown in overall demand. The low point for
investment generally occurs after residential investment
and spending on consumer durables has started to recover.
But in this case, business investment was the primary
cause of the slowdown. Over-investment in capital goods,
aided and abetted by the bubble atmosphere of the late
1990s and a low cost of capital, led to excess capacity
and triggered a collapse in spending. Telecommunications
is the extreme example. WorldCom’s recent write-offs
provide credence to the many newspaper stories about
unutilized cable capacity and the many years that it
will take to absorb this excess.
But in other areas as well, firms have found that they
can get by with much reduced rates of investment. This
has surprised many observers. At the start of the recession,
the conventional wisdom was that investment in computers
and other technology products would quickly bounce back.
It was thought that the rapid depreciation rates of
these products would force firms to quickly resume buying
as they had before. However, many firms who had been
replacing computers and other products almost automatically
every two or three years are now giving these expenditures
close scrutiny. They are spending--actually investment
in computers and software edged up at single digit rates
in the last three quarters of 2002. But they are also
discovering that two-year old computers work just fine
for many purposes. There has been a change in mindset.
In the late 1990s, firms upgraded equipment on a regular
basis without asking questions; now they look long and
hard.
The financial upheaval that accompanied this slowdown
and the related highly publicized failures of corporate
governance have also engendered increased conservatism
upon the part of management and boards of directors.
No one is inclined to be venturesome. Adding to the
aura of caution are the considerable risks associated
with the geopolitical situation.
So where are we now? Roughly where we have been for
the past two years: Hoping the consumer will continue
to spend while anxiously waiting for business investment
to gain traction. If anything, the situation seems to
have softened somewhat in recent months. Labor market
conditions have deteriorated. The unemployment rate
has remained relatively steady, but the sharp decline
in employment in February (over 300,000 jobs) was a
very unwelcome development. In fact, since the fourth
quarter of 2001--a period of so-called recovery--the
economy has actually lost 600,000 jobs, clearly securing
first place in "jobless recoveries." Initial unemployment
insurance claims, at times a precursor of changes in
unemployment, have remained at elevated levels in the
past two months. Consumer sentiment has fallen and retail
sales have been soft. Some of this softness is undoubtedly
due to the unfavorable weather, which affected not just
the Northeast, but much of the East Coast. As you may
remember, the big Presidents’ Day weekend was quite
literally a wipe out. Anxieties over prospects of war
on Iraq may have also weighed on consumers and businesses
as have rising oil and gasoline prices.
Not all is doom and gloom. New orders picked up quite
sharply in January; and while they fell in February,
the data for the quarter are still consistent with the
single digit growth particularly in computers and software
that we saw in 2002. An index of new orders from the
Institute for Supply Management (ISM) was down in February
as well but remained well above recession lows, with
more respondents reporting increases in orders than
decreases. Housing data have been bouncy, but overall
activity remains at high levels reflecting low interest
rates and favorable affordability.
One other positive development has been the nation’s
strong productivity performance. As you know, productivity
growth picked up in the second half of the 1990s. While
some hailed this as a long-term upward shift, others
attributed the acceleration in productivity growth to
the strong economy and predicted that productivity growth
would diminish if the economy slowed. Well, the economy
has slowed and productivity growth has remained robust.
Productivity in the fourth quarter of 2002 was up 4
percent from the prior year. This is a large gain by
any standard, but is truly remarkable in light of the
sluggish economy. It is true that the other side of
the productivity coin is short-term weakness in employment.
The current jobless nature of this recovery owes a lot
to the desire of businesses to be ever more competitive
and cost driven at a time in which the future is particularly
cloudy. However, this ability of the nation’s businesses
to increase their efficiency in these difficult times
is critical to repairing balance sheets and enabling
firms to contemplate stepping up their rates of investment.
It also tends to confirm the view that we are in an
era of higher productivity growth and higher living
standards over the long term.
In sum, the national situation remains uncertain. Recent
data have suggested that the "soft patch" that began
early in 2003 remains, but those data are clouded by
weather and geopolitical concerns. It is clearly possible
that the summer will bring new economic vibrancy, and
most forecasts see a pick-up. But it is also possible
that this period of slow recovery from the excess investment
of the late '90s will continue. Either way, productivity
trends provide a solid underpinning to growth. And,
speaking from my own perspective, policymakers will
need to be especially vigilant.
Massachusetts Situation
What then of Massachusetts?
This has been a difficult period for Massachusetts.
At the state level, the key indicator of economic activity
is employment. Recently released revisions to payroll
employment for Massachusetts show a decline of almost
5 percent since early 2001. The original figures showed
a job decline of about 3 percent. This is a severe recession
for the state. Not as severe as the recession of the
early 1990s, but comparable in job loss to the 1974-975
recession. By way of comparison, national employment
has fallen about 1 ˝ percent.
When this recession began, our expectation was that
the impact on Massachusetts would be similar to that
on the nation as a whole. In contrast with the late
1980s and early 1990s, when a real estate boom and bust
caused the state’s economy to deviate markedly from
that of the nation, first on the upside and then on
the downside, the Massachusetts economy seemed to be
following the national pattern. Some observers expressed
concern that the state’s large concentration of mutual
funds and asset management activities might make it
more vulnerable in light of the decline in the stock
market. Financial activities have, indeed, experienced
job losses. But the primary problem lies elsewhere.
The bulk of the job losses have been in manufacturing,
professional and business services, and information.
Since the peak in overall employment early in 2001,
manufacturing employment in Massachusetts has fallen
17 percent. As with overall employment, recent revisions
have worsened the picture. Data on individual manufacturing
industries are not yet available at the state level,
but national figures show such Massachusetts’ specialties
as electrical and electronic equipment and computers
suffering much deeper cuts than manufacturing more generally.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics, along with other agencies,
has recently re-done its industry classification. Information
is a new industry category, including publishing, telecommunications,
and a number of internet- related activities. Massachusetts
information employment has fallen 19 percent since the
beginning of 2001. Professional and business services
is also a new industry group and combines such disparate
activities as legal and accounting services, computer
systems design, stand-alone corporate headquarters,
employment services, and waste management. Employment
here has fallen 14 percent. This is a large sector and
the total numbers of jobs lost is similar to the job
loss in manufacturing. In the early stages of the downturn,
the job losses were concentrated in employment services--or
temporary help. More recently, employment in computer
systems design and related services has been falling.
Sizeable cuts are also occurring in accounting, tax
preparation and bookkeeping services.
The only major Massachusetts industries that are showing
any appreciable growth are education and health services.
In a nutshell, the "new economy" activities
that caused Massachusetts to enjoy strong growth and
very low unemployment rates in the late 1990s have been
severely impacted in the current period. This has turned
a prolonged soft spell at the national level into a
big problem for the state.
Despite this divergence, Massachusetts’ fortunes continue
to remain highly dependent upon the national outlook.
In particular, a pickup in investment spending, particularly
spending for technology products is key to the state’s
recovery. While I expect investment spending to gain
strength over the course of year, the uncertainties
are large.
Thinking about the longer term
Recessions, especially ones in which Massachusetts
fares worse than the nation, inevitably give rise to
anxieties over prospects for the long term. People want
to know: What will be the next economic driver – the
key innovation or industry—that will restore vibrancy
to the economy?
My crystal ball is no clearer than yours. I don't have
answers to these questions. But they have been asked
before. In the early 1970s, with the end of the Vietnam
War, cutbacks in aerospace, and intense competition
from the sunbelt states, Massachusetts faced a severe
crisis. But an industry that was on no one’s radar screen
in those anxious times – minicomputers – transformed
the Massachusetts economy. Again in the early 1990s,
disaster loomed in the form of a real estate crash and
the related banking credit crunch. And once again, people
asked: " What will propel growth in the future?
Where is the next minicomputer industry?"
As it developed, there was no minicomputer industry.
Software and communications were important sources of
growth during the 1990s, but the story was more complicated.
A wide variety of industries took up the slack. Some
large companies, like EMC, emerged from almost nowhere;
but much of the vitality came from many relatively small,
relatively unknown companies that were linked by their
innovation and creativity. By 1997, the Massachusetts
unemployment rate was a full percentage point below
the national rate, and by 2000 it had fallen to 2.6
percent – an all-time low. The biggest problem for most
firms, especially most high tech companies, was finding
people.
So what does this short history tell us? First, when
things look the worst, we won’t see the industry or
innovation that will lead it us back to prosperity –
but it will already be taking shape. Second, the new
economic driver may not be in one area but in several.
And most importantly, this history suggests that the
underlying strengths of Massachusetts: its highly educated
workforce, the excellence of its many colleges and universities,
and a culture that has always valued innovation and
creativity are the keys to a prosperous future. In this
regard, it is important that we not respond to these
difficult times and to the difficult fiscal situation
in which state government finds itself with actions
that undermine that our long run competitive advantage.
But that is a speech for another time.
Conclusion
In sum, these are difficult times. Massachusetts is
experiencing a prolonged and serious economic downturn.
Its concentration in the new economy industries and
firms that provided such vitality in the late 1990s
has made it especially vulnerable to the deep cuts that
have occurred in business investment. While I expect
that the national economy will regain momentum in the
second half of the year and that investment, particularly
in the information technology area, will pick up, the
outlook is unusually cloudy. With respect to the longer
term, however, I am confident that Massachusetts’ wealth
of intellectual capital and its ability to reinvent
itself will keep the state on the forefront of innovation
and assure its continued prosperity.
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